Is this the same popular organisation Sheikh Abdullah had left behind?
WORDS WITHIN
FIRDOUS SYED
“Shri Omar Abdullah will contest from two places, Beerwah and Sonwar”, was the update on facebook, (Friday evening, 31/10). Speculations were already rife that Omar Abdullah, unsure about his chances from Ganderbal, the traditional family borough — for him humiliating defeat in 2002 assembly elections must be a lingering nightmare — this time around may find refuge in the perceived safety of Sonwar. It’s another matter that his father Farooq Abdullah in 2008 elections had barely scraped through from this constituency, Athan phokh diwan diwan, with a margin of a few dozen votes only. Even that win is attributed more to election machinations—NC seems to have mastered over the years of electioneering in almost no-turnout conditions of Srinagar— than any fair people’s mandate. So Omar Abdullah’s low or lack of confidence even with Sowar, that too after making a timely but humiliating retreat from Ganderbal, is plausible. Yet a sitting chief minister deserting a constituency, and deciding to contest from two places instead, apparently is incomprehensible. That amounts to conceding the defeat well before the conduct of elections.
Since it was a facebook update, the social networking sites are usually infamous for rumour mongering. My initial reaction was that it’s a hoax. Moreover I was also intrigued by the usage of “Shri” instead of Jinab before Omar Abdullah’s name. As a routine, to conform the local news, I clicked GK website. And the update of Omar contesting from two constituencies along with the suffix “Shri”, not only against his name but before many other candidates on the list, was very well there. As such “Shri” so-far has not been the traditional idiom of NC, inquisitiveness impelled me to search for the official handout of the party. And whether the meeting was held in Jammu or Srinagar? I still had a hunch that perhaps the meeting was held at Jammu, and it could be the handiwork of a local clerk more exposed to term Shri than Jinab. The official press did indeed carry a Srinagar dateline. Released in the name of party general secretary, intriguingly again I found “Shri” before the name of Ali Mohammed Sagar.
One may at times tend to disagree with Ali Mohammed Sagar’s style of politics. Known to me, almost like a family member, (I however haven’t met him since 2001), and I could easily vouch that Sagar, out-and-out a political worker, is very much aware of Kashmir’s political history and its sensitivities. I found myself entirely bewildered that how it’s possible that a politically aware person like Sagar too is not averse to the usage of an alien term. Is this the part of so-called “rashtriyakaran” – nationalisation of NC? A votary of greater autonomy and premier political organisation of Kashmir — if not in practice lately, at least for the sake of rhetoric only—has come to such a pass? (Please forgive me if I sound to be nitpicking. For a language perfectionist, indeed it might be an issue, the kind of suffix or prefix used before or after a name in a particular language. In a free atmosphere either “Shri” or “Jinab” should hardly matter.)
At every critical hour of history, NC leadership has certainly let-down the cause and people of Kashmir. The grand old party, however, in whatever avatar, MC, NC or Plebiscite Front, has definitely played a distinctive role in the awakening of Kashmir. Moreover, after 1953, in the atmosphere we were bred and brought in condemning every influence good or bad, emanating from Delhi, as a political and cultural aggression, is solely the contribution of NC. Even Indian National Congress and its style of politics, was ridiculed as a gutter produce. Thus we continue to be influenced by a particular political idiom and narrative that NC propagated and popularised, ever since 1931. That NC itself eventually ridiculed as 22 saal ki Awaragardi.
National Conference, driven by its blatant opportunism—the wicked lure of power— now stands reduced almost to a naught. Kashmir however has ever been very sensitive, not only about its history but contemporary narratives and idiom also. So is the sensitivity of Kashmir that even a usage of particular term or suffixes, at times provides the cue towards particular inclinations. A local politician from Chenab Valley had the audacity to join Praja Parishad —-a Kank Mandi based organisation opposing special status of J&K— but to be condemned as an alien forever. Praja Parishad leader Prem Nath Dogra had even described him as his adopted son. From Sheikh he came to be known as Shri… Incidentally Omar too is a Sheikh.
The present miserable plight of NC more than any scorn may justify a forthright analysis of its present state of affairs. Is this the same popular organisation, Sheikh Abdullah had left behind? Does NC not look like and behave as an alien to Kashmir. It’s possible to deceive once, maybe, twice or even thrice but not always. If Kashmir is in deep turmoil today, the responsibility squarely, first rests with grandfather, then with son and now grandson. Had NC and its leadership behaved prudently and not contemptuously insulted, again and again, the political aspirations of Kashmir, perhaps Kashmir would have escaped the present tyranny of time.
Whatever the way we like to label or describe him/her, ridicule or glorify; a Kashmiri, innately and ultimately, is identity conscious. NC is now history; ironically Omar Abdullah only has scripted its obituary. NC becoming alien to Kashmir does us no good. Divisive and fascist forces of destruction in collusion with some local petty hopefuls have forged a sinister design to further rob, whatever is left of Kashmir’s autonomy, and more alarmingly the culture. The typical Kashmiri disconnect has rendered a mass based historic organisation like NC as alien. The forces of doom, claiming to be well-wishers of Kashmir, also need to introspect. Kashmir can live with an aggressor but not with a collaborator.